Eric Brandon Ngaba

THE FEMINISM MOVEMENT AND ITS ORIGINS AT SENECA FALLS. Being a feminist, at its core, means fighting for the rights of women everywhere by standing up for equality of the sexes. Today's feminists, however, haven't had to endure some of the hurdles that existed as early as the 1800s, and have found their path made so much easier by their predecessors – a society of women most of whom hailed from Seneca Falls in New York. This group of women wasn't made up of anyone particularly important individually, yet in their relative ordinariness were able to come together and work single-mindedly towards getting their voices heard in a radical campaign for equal control over their destinies that eventually culminated in the signing of the Declaration of Sentiments – a document that coherently presented their grievances while serving to spearhead public awareness about their cause – during the Seneca Falls Convention of 1848. Before their eventual nation-wide fame, the women of Seneca Falls were just regular civilians. Judith Wellman, in her article entitled 'The Seneca Falls Women's Rights Convention: A Study of Social Networks' informs us that "those who signed the Seneca Falls Declaration of Sentiments were not leaders. They were, in fact, very ordinary people." (11) How is it then that they were so adept at the intricacies of politics, especially at such a time of oppression? A researcher called Anne Boylan gives us the reason in the conclusion to her article titled 'Women and Politics in the era before Seneca Falls'; The experiences of organized women in the early decades of the nineteenth century belied the commonplace claim that women had no place in politics. Whether as boycotters of British goods in the 1760s, petitioners for incorporation in the 1800s, or lobbyists for anti-seduction laws in the 1830s, women were involved in government and politics. (382). With this in mind, it can be seen that they had an understanding of freedom from which they felt a patriarchal society had cheated them. For this reason, they were willing to draw controversy upon themselves by taking to the streets to advocate causes that were sure to strike a nerve with many "as a means of publicizing their work" (Boylan, 378). This controversy became the selling point for their idea because it exposed the contrast that existed between benevolent groups – that utilized private influence hence coming across as non-political, and reform groups that took a more public approach. Private influence refers to certain privileged women being able to use their contacts in the political arena to grant them favors, such as grants or donations. The Seneca Falls women knew that in order to start a decent conversation on the matters affecting them, they would have to break free from benevolent approaches that rarely yielded much traction for their cause. Led by Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Lucretia Mott, the Seneca Falls women kicked off the Feminist Movement. Stanton was a women's rights advocate and the chief planner of the Seneca Falls Convention. When Stanton was on her honeymoon in London in 1840, she "attended the World Anti-Slavery Convention in London… (where) by refusing to seat women delegates, antislavery males unwittingly transformed… the meeting into an episode in the development of the women's rights movement." (Wellman, 12). It was here that she would encounter Mott – a Quaker abolitionist – sitting in the segregated women's section away from view and together they would vow to bring attention to women's rights after their discrimination that day (being denied participation in the abolitionist convention). While political abolitionists focused on immediate liberation, Quaker abolitionists subscribed to the school of thought that everyone was equal, and could be gradually persuaded into doing the right thing. Both groups had split before the London convention, but Wellman informs us that Stanton kept her ties with both – effectively pooling three social networks that would become essential towards the work ahead of them by coalescing into a single united front. Together with three other women, they met in 1948; Mary M'Clintock, Martha Coffin Wright, and Jane hunt; Stanton and Mott "worked to prepare an agenda and a document to be considered for passage at the (planned) Seneca Falls Convention." (Lewis). Stanton would also embark upon drafting a more inclusive declaration inspired by the original declaration of Independence. This new declaration best embodied what the women believed about freedom and liberty because it sought to correct the vagueness found in the original declaration as such: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men 'and women' are created equal." (Wellman, 19). By simply incorporating the word women into the declaration of Independence, they had succeeded at questioning the gender gap that existed in America. A common understanding shared by the women concerning their liberty begged to ask; "would any man be denominated free who was deprived of a representation in the government… (with) no voice in the affairs of his country?... Was this slavish condition of women compatible with the doctrine that all are created free and equal?" (Wellman, 20) Now all that was left was getting the word out, and watching as the fires of a revolution took hold among the populace. In this endeavor, they found significant help in the form of a man called Frederick Douglass whose print publications routinely featured news aligned with their efforts. On the morning of July 14th, 1948, a notice announcing the Seneca Falls Convention started circulation in Douglass's paper, giving those who read it just 8 days to plan their attendance. The first day of the convention was reserved for women only, but the men who still wound up attending weren't turned away – merely being prohibited from participate in the exclusive discussions. Participants arrived at the Wesleyan Methodist Chapel for the meeting on that day and Mary M'Clintock was tasked with recording minutes. Those present then went about discussing the drafted Declaration of Sentiments so as to amend any arising issues. This document held everything the women were advocating against. Termed 'grievances' and noticeably phrased to begin with the pronoun 'he' to allude to modern American patriarchy, they were raw accusations to the tune of women being denied; "complete equality in marriage, equal rights in property and wages, the right to make contracts, to sue and be sued, to testify in court and, above all, to vote." (Quarles, 35). These grievances were used to inspire 11 resolutions that the women felt were within their goals to lobby for – initially 12 but one of them had already been addressed by the time of convention when New York passed the Married Woman Act. After the grievances had been reviewed, the women of Seneca Falls deliberated over the resolutions that preceded the final decision-making scheduled for the next day to allow men a chance to vote. The second day saw some friction owing to the 9th resolution that had wanted to introduce the idea of women being allowed to vote not settling well with the majority of the men. Stanton felt it was a crucial addition to the resolution because it would set a precedent that would allow them to participate in their future efforts at freedom by voting towards beneficial policies. While Mott initially felt uncertain as to Stanton's idea to include the resolution, her concern for the manner it would turn public opinion against them was to blame. The ensuing debate would have consumed most of the remaining day (owing to Stanton's adamancy to pass it) had Frederick Douglass not moved the reformists with an eloquent defense of the women's right to vote – to the extent of being willing to strip himself of his own voting rights should women be denied theirs. All resolutions were eventually passed, the day ending a success when; the signers at Seneca Falls brought charges against the men of America, against an establishment that legitimized male authority, denied women political rights (including the right to vote), gave husbands the power even to beat their wives, discriminated against women in employment, education, and property ownership, and took from women a sense of self-respect and of confidence in their own abilities. (Wellman, 9). Despite the success, this was still the beginning of the Woman Right's Movement, and the women of Seneca Falls knew they had a long way left to go before they could rest having achieved what they set out to. With more and more learning about their cause, it was up to the women to spread awareness of their cause. This first wave of 'Feminists' used a variety of methods to promote their cause against a male-dominated society. These methods were perhaps best encompassed in a resolution presented by Mott as "untiring efforts of both men and women" to secure for women equal chances for participation in various trades, professions, and commerce. (Lewis). For example, even before the first convention, the married women's property act was passed following speeches carried out and petitions launched by feminist groups. These speeches and petitions informed "topics of general interest around many fashionable dinner-tables, and at many humble firesides" (Wellman, 20). Thus, every aspect of the question of married women rights was dealt with in the public spectrum as well as the private spectrum where certain benevolent women organized opportunities for their reformist sisters to be heard. Gradually, the causes these women were fighting for broadened to encompass a wider range of interests—political, religious, civil and social. The press and churches became suddenly attentive in marking out woman's sphere, while woman herself seemed equally vigilant in her efforts to step outside the prescribed limits. Using unconventional tact became a specialty employed by the women, as can be seen with their use of sarcastic retorts in petitions like; "Our numerous and yearly petitions for this most desirable object having been disregarded, we now ask your august body, to abolish all laws which hold married women more accountable for their acts than infants, idiots, and lunatics." (Wellman, 22) Whether the New York State Legislature bowed to their demands due to being impressed by the women's sound arguments or feeling embarrassed remains a mystery. Being shrewd in promoting their cause, these women took that first victory as a precursor of more to come and felt even more emboldened to carry through with the convention. While the convention in 1848 was the first, many more followed, and these would be spaced annually and be home to more discussions on how best to move forward. Conventions became their most organized and effective promotional tools, and while the first convention had been chaired by a man, they made a resolve to have all subsequent ones chaired by women. Two years later in 1850, Worcester, Massachusetts played host to the first 'National Women's Rights Convention' which attracted "more than 1,000 participants". (Imbornoni). These events continued on annually up to the year 1860, only skipping 1857. These conventions would host intelligent and diverse women speakers who challenged their companions to take back their rights. It did not take a month for any of these remarkable women to spark positive change for their kind, in itself remarkable the amount of sheer adversity they were willing to brave, for many years after Stanton spoke up for the voting of women the 19th Amendment to the constitution was "signed into law by Secretary of State Bainbridge Colby". (Imbornoni) This took place on the 26th of August 1920 and allowed for women all over the country to take up their responsibility in influencing national change as voters. In conclusion, the women of Seneca Falls rose up from relative obscurity to jumpstart a political narrative that eventually resulted in womankind all over the country having access to ballot boxes that had previously been a preserve of men. These women had spent their lives observing how men relegated them to lower status at every opportunity – be it in the familial home by encouraging the beating of wives, or during a divorce when the husband could be guaranteed custody of the children provided they weren't too young to still require their mother's care. In the political arena, women were long accustomed to being at the whim of male politicians. It was about time they broke free from their limited citizenship and asserted themselves as equals with the men who previously held them underfoot. Now, women in the United States are subjected to equalist treatment because of these pioneers of female freedom. Works Cited. Boylan, Anne M. "Women, and Politics in the era before Seneca Falls." Journal of Early Republic 10.3 (1990): 363-382 Freedman, Estelle. "Separatism as strategy: Female institution building and American Feminism,-." Feminist Studies 5.3 (1979): 512-529 Wellman, Judith. "The Seneca Falls women's rights convention: A study of social networks." Journal of Women's History 3.1 (1991): 9-37. Quarles, Benjamin. "Frederick Douglass and the Woman's Right Movement." The Journal of Negro History 25.1 (1940): 35-44. Imbornoni, Ann-Marie. "Women's Rights Movement in the US." Retrieved from (2006). History.com. "Seneca Falls Convention." A&E Television Networks. 2017. Lewis, Jone Johnson. "A history of the Seneca Falls 1848 Women's Rights Convention." ThoughtCo. 14.8 (2017). Online