Enyong Sidney

Russia in Africa. Russia has been increasing its influence in Africa, and this has drawn a lot of attention to the country's involvement in the continent. This engagement includes strengthening ties in the Central African Republic, the Sahel region, and rekindling Cold War-era partnerships in southern Africa in addition to traditional regions of interest like North Africa. Russia was a minor participant in Africa until the fall of the Soviet Union, at which point it became a major force again. The Russia-Africa Summit, which took place in Sochi in October 2019, emphasized the benefits of Moscow's extensive involvement across the continent, the normative agenda of Russia, and the widespread availability of Russian military technology. In today's video, we are going to be talking about Russian involvement in Africa. we will also gain a deeper understanding of the dynamics shaping Russia's presence on the continent and its impact on African nations. As part of its approach in Africa, Russia offers mining rights, financial possibilities, diplomatic support for its foreign policy preferences, and security collaborations in exchange for arms sales and political backing to authoritarian authorities. Africa provides a large majority of the votes cast in the General Assembly of the United Nations, therefore Russia has found that backing from its African allies has been very crucial in this regard. Russia's military intelligence service is giving governments in Africa a "regime survival package" that includes military and diplomatic help in exchange for access to strategically valuable natural resources. Moscow is attempting to strengthen and broaden its strategic ties throughout Africa through the rebranded Wagner Group. This is being done by offering lucrative mining concessions in exchange for geopolitical protection and regime security guarantees. the involvement of Russian private military companies is driving conflict, worsening human rights abuses, and spurring a growing militarization of governance. We will be talking more about the rebranded Wagner later in this video – but for now, let’s go back in time. Before we delve in, it is worth noting that Vladimir Putin has refuted claims that he is trying to undermine Western influence in Africa, despite recent analysis suggesting that the military intelligence branch of the Kremlin has assumed control of the former Wagner Russian paramilitary group's operations there. In an interview that aired on Russian television on March 13, Putin refuted allegations that Moscow wants to usurp France as the primary ally of nations like Burkina Faso, Niger, and Mali. The Russian Empire pursued several objectives in the continent of Africa during the nineteenth-century "scramble for Africa," which saw the widespread colonization of the region by European powers. The first of these objectives was to increase the influence of the Russian Orthodox Church and secure trade access to ports in the Indian Ocean. During the Cold War, this engagement increased as the Soviet Union tried to encircle newly independent African nations. Building ties with socialist or non-aligned nations throughout Africa was a major goal of Soviet foreign policy, aiding regional communist political groups and armed uprisings. The latter involved providing allies fighting the civil wars in Angola and the Democratic Republic of the Congo with arms, advisors, and other support. Moscow also forged a tight relationship that is still in place with the African National Congress, the anti-apartheid party that has ruled South Africa since 1994. Moscow was forced to reduce its aspirations in Africa following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Russian diplomacy in that region has been more and more entwined in recent years with private military companies, or mercenary groups, which were founded by former Soviet soldiers who freely offered their services to governments in Africa. The mid-2000s saw the earliest noticeable moves by Moscow to reestablish contact with the continent. Following President Vladimir Putin's 2006 visit to South Africa, Dmitry Medvedev, his successor, traveled to Egypt, Angola, Nigeria, and Namibia in 2009. After annexing Crimea in 2014, the Kremlin stepped up its diplomatic efforts when Moscow was forced to aggressively look for new geopolitical allies and commercial prospects as a result of the first round of Western sanctions on Russia. The Wagner Group, the most well-known Russian private military company of today, originated from earlier groups that were sent to Crimea in 2014 and Syria in 2013. Wagner has for many years been a key component of the Kremlin’s efforts to grow its influence in politically unstable countries across central Africa and the Sahel, including the Central African Republic, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Sudan. Note that Russia now operates under a new name in the West African Sahel: Africa Corps. The new name of the Wagner paramilitary group is directly inspired by the German battalions that fought in North Africa during World War II. Although the reference is similar, the Russian government has continued to overhaul Yevgeny Prigozhin's private security company, which has fallen out of favor in Moscow since the aborted rebellion launched by its leader – who died last year on August 23. In July 2023, Niger’s military took over in a coup just two years after the country’s first transition to civilian power. The coup has brought into sharp focus the role of foreign countries in Niger’s politics. before the coup, Niger's principal security allies were the US and France. But the coup leaders, under the leadership of General Abdourahamane Tchiani, made no secret of their dislike for France, the nation's old colonial overlord, and they gave the French military orders to withdraw. Now the attention of many people in Niger has shifted to Russia. Russia may have contributed directly or indirectly to the military coup, according to certain observers and regional specialists. Russia is aggressively trying to take advantage of the coup and tighten its hold on the nation. This was made clear when Niger and Russia decided to strengthen their military ties lately. Following the coup, threats of using force to restore the ousted president were made by France and the Ecowas regional economic union. Russia warned against such a move. the military regime then drove out the French soldiers. In response, the French embassy in Niger was closed. You can see how influential Russia has become. Many expected Burkina Faso to be the next base for Wagner operations in Africa after the country’s 2022 military coup and amidst its ongoing fight with jihadists. The arrival of twenty Russian military personnel late last year, alongside Burkina Faso’s involvement in an alliance alongside Mali and Niger, suggests that this development may finally be coming to fruition. Also, take note that a group of Russian military personnel arrived in Ouagadougou, the capital of Burkina Faso, in January. This appeared to be the first major deployment of Russian forces in the West African nation. Under the leadership of Captain Ibrahim Traore, who took power in a second coup in September 2022, Burkina Faso has strengthened its military cooperation with Russia, seeking support from Moscow in its fight against armed groups. The political climate in Libya also appears to be heating up, based on recent airstrikes. A Russian transport plane was struck by a drone strike on December 19. According to satellite footage, the plane was discovered burning on the tarmac at al-Joufra, a facility controlled by the Wagner Group-backed Libyan National Army of Khalifa Heftar. The plane was allegedly carrying electronic jamming devices destined for Libya and Sudan. It seems that the Wagner Group and the Kremlin have taken on more than they can handle in Mali. Wagner Group’s influence over the Malian army has placed it in the crosshairs of both Tuareg separatists and Islamist groups. . The town of Kidal, which was under the control of Western security forces, was overrun by Wagner-led troops, in defiance of the 2015 Algiers Agreement, which granted Tuareg factions autonomy in this area. Tuareg groups might be withdrawing, but this withdrawal may be luring Wagner and its allies in Mali into a trap. Wagner's stay in Mali will inevitably be contingent on money from the Mali government and cannot be guaranteed in the long run. The Kremlin may find this deployment too costly and violent to sustain if jihadist and Tuareg separatist organizations choose to fight the Wagner Group and government forces over internal warfare, especially as Malian authorities are having difficulty funding the Group's monthly wage. The United States' decreased engagement with Africa, particularly its 2018 decision to reduce counterterrorism efforts in the region despite the growing threat of terrorism in many African countries, has also coincided with Russia's return to the continent. Moscow moved quickly to close that gap in security. To strengthen Russia's reputation as a dependable strategic partner on the continent and to secure military contract agreements with various countries—including the Nigerian government, which committed to buying Russian attack helicopters—President Putin hosted the first-ever Russia-Africa summit in 2019 at the Black Sea retreat of Sochi. 17 African heads of state attended the second Russia-Africa summit in July 2023 despite the war, sanctions, and pressure from the West. There, they signed various agreements with Russia on preventing an arms race in space, cooperating in information security, and fighting terrorism on the continent. Moscow also pledged to write off further debt. During this summit, Putin also promised to deliver grain to some 6 African countries. in November of last year, Russia’s agriculture minister said Moscow had begun free shipments of grain totaling up to 200,000 tonnes to six African countries, as promised by President Vladimir Putin. The UN-mediated deal, dubbed the Black Sea Grain Initiative, sought to prevent starvation by increasing the supply of wheat, sunflower oil, fertilizer, and other goods on international markets, particularly those needed for humanitarian purposes. the Kremlin has increased its economic influence across the continent. For example, the value of trade receipts between Russia and African nations increased from $9.9 billion in 2013 to $17.7 billion by 2021, nearly doubling. Since roughly 30% of Africa's food supply comes from Russia, grain exports are very significant. North African nations, especially Egypt, Algeria, and Morocco, are Moscow's top trading partners in the area; these nations collectively handle about 67 percent of Russia's commerce with the continent. While importing fruits, sugar, and vegetables, Moscow's principal exports to these states are electronics, coal, wheat, and refined petroleum. Russia's nuclear power corporation, Rosatom, has also maintained strong diplomatic relations with several African nations. For instance, following the 2017 agreement reached by Presidents Putin and Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, it was granted authorization by an Egyptian regulatory body to begin construction of Egypt's first nuclear power plant in the summer of 2022. By 2030, the plant should be completely operating. To assist the Kremlin's soft power initiatives in Africa, Rosatom also provides funding for various educational and cultural exchange programs in the science, technology, engineering, and mathematics domains. The Russian Federation has limited economic relations with Africa compared to the Soviet Union, modern China, the United States, and the European Union, even with Russia's continuous efforts to forge closer commercial and trade ties with the continent. Moscow's capacity to provide comparatively inexpensive military and security services, including arms transfers, anti-insurgency training, and consulting services, thereby gives it a significant competitive edge over other international powers looking to increase their presence on the continent. Russia is Africa's main arms supplier; between 2018 and 2023, 40% of the continent's purchases of large-scale weaponry came from Russia. This has exceeded the total amount of weapons imported from China, France, and the United States in those years. The dependence of African nations on armaments and equipment manufactured in Russia can be attributed to several factors. Many countries on the continent still own Soviet-era guns, which can be compatible with modern Russian weapons, which are typically less expensive than their Western counterparts. Additionally, the Kremlin has transferred armor, combat planes, and missile systems to many war-torn nations in Africa; unlike the US and its allies, it does not condition its arms transfers on adherence to democratic ideals or the safeguarding of fundamental human rights. The West faces grave geopolitical quandaries as a result of Russia's incursions into Africa. While allowing Russia to grow further would negatively impact US and ally interests, taking direct action against it could backfire and end up bolstering Moscow's narrative—as France has just discovered. On the one hand, given that Africa is the continent with the youngest and fastest-growing population, the West cannot afford to do nothing and rely solely on "strategic patience." The continent faces formidable challenges that directly affect the security and stability of the entire world. Russia does not give significant aid or capacity building beyond the military-security sphere, therefore it is both uninterested in and incapable of fostering a sound and sustainable development in Africa. Rather, its entrenchment has significant risks, particularly for Europe, and will only exacerbate the problems that Africa faces. Increased "South to South" collaboration is something that many African nations are excited about and would welcome interactions with Global South leaders. But these are still very early interactions, since the big nonaligned governments, like Brazil or India, are likewise trying to figure out how to interact with Africa most effectively. Longer-term benefits might result from a greater "split up" between Africa, the Global South, and the West; Brazil and India would be important allies in this endeavor because they support democracy without being seen as anti-Russian. Bear in mind that at the latest UN general assembly where Africa is one of the strongest regional blocs, leaders from the continent condemned foreign paternalism. Guinea's transitional president, for instance, said his country was neither "pro or anti-Russian, nor pro-US, nor pro-Turkish, but pro-African." Critics believe that Russia's interest in Africa may stem from its aim to challenge Western supremacy, establish new markets, and obtain access to important resources. But it's crucial to understand that every country, including Russia, participates in international affairs to further its objectives and safeguard its interests. Russia's encroachment into Africa reflects the changing nature of international politics as well as a growing interest in the continent. Even while there are worries about Russia's objectives, African leaders must take the time to find out what Russia is trying to do in Africa. By doing this, they can acquire a deeper comprehension of Russia's involvement in Africa and the consequences it has for African countries as well as the international community at large. Do you think Wagner is the means to an end in Africa? Let us know your thoughts in the comments below. Do not forget to like this video and subscribe to the New Tourist Channel. Turn on notifications too so you get notified whenever we upload videos like this. Thanks for watching and see you in our next video.