Ayeshah Ahmad

MUSLIM LEAGUE ROLE IN CONGRESS MINISTRIES The congress rule in the Hindu Majority provinces had an ominous start for the Muslims. The congress leaders on their victory insensitive towards the feelings of Muslims while the leader of ML only observes the actions and activities of congress members and Hindus reenly and minutely Muslims smells the congress and their policies an arrogance of power and desire to establish the Rajooj Hindu majority in place of British Raj. Jinnah once alleged that congress committees especially in the countryside and even some Hindu official were behaving as if the Hindu Raj had already been established. The congress ministries in the Hindu majority provinces revived and advocated those issue that has caused Hindu Muslim tension in the past and adds new ones of similar nature with an obsessive favor. The adopted the party and Hindu communal symbols as official and national symbols that provoked and agitated the Muslims. The League missed no opportunity to use such moves to its advantage. Muslim perceived in the congress attitude and policies a rejection of a “Hindu-Mind” and demonstration of a picture as if Hindustan is for the Hindus. Gandhi start to his daily work., Jinnah once observed, by prayer and recital of Bhagavad gita and believed in as hrmas and samities, ahimsa, spinning wheel, Khaddar, Bande Mataram, Sanskitized Hindi, vidya Mandir and wardha scheme. Playing Music outside the mosque at time of prayers on Hindus festivals. They were stopped from calling the Azan. Sacrilegious literature on Islam and PBUH that Hindu nationalist published frequently, cow sacrificing on Eid-ul-Adha was another source of dispute. Hindus uses the tricolor congress flag as the official flag. Bande-e-Iaatram used as national song, criticize the separate election and congress govt did not hesitate to dose down the Muslim press and newspapers that were critical of their policies. The council of AIML once adopted a resolution authorizing the local leagues to devise means to achieve that objective but deflected the words by any possible means according to the local conditions and if necessary by launching civil disobedience movement from that resolution. Muslims were agitated the most seriously by the Wardha scheme of basic education or vidya Mandir scheme which was inspired by spirit of ahimsa (non-violence) and unity of Indian nation. On 4 December 1938, the central council of AIML appointed an 8 member committee to examine this scheme to find out its impact on the Hindu language and its script and on the separate national identity of Muslims. The Muslim committee was also asked to submit an educational scheme that would create in Muslim boys and girls Islamic mentality, strengthen the characteristics and the same time july equip them to meet the exigencies of the present age. Professor M. Afzal Qadir of Aligarh Muslim University, a member of committee, prepared on his own initiative a 27 page preliminary report about primary and secondary education to serve as a basis for Muslim education in the light of Islamic ideas. The AIML sent a copy of this report to AIML educational conference for consideration communal Riots increased with the passage of time. The provincial ML on the direction of AIMML made representation to the governors requesting then to take steps to redress their grievances their frustration AIML policy decision was to keep its struggle within constitutional limits. Therefore, it simply condemn the governors for their failures to use their special powers to protect the interests of Muslims and Minorities. When PML permission from AIML to launch civil disobedience against congress govt, it advised them not to adopt such course of action. When PML increased pressures then AIML authorized the working committee to taken decision for direct action if and when necessary. Berar League and 11 member central provinces assembly party staged a walkout from assembly, when speaker disallowed M.M Haq’s adjournment motion to discuss Muslim agitation against the vidya Mandir Scheme, Nagpur, Jalooalpura district ML and city ML constantly protested against pro-Hindi, providya and anti-Urdu Moves of congress ministry. Once the provincial ML started civil disobedience without at waiting the approval of central working committee. Many league protestors were arrested. The civil disobedience movement was called on the Liaquat and Pandit Ravi Shankar Shukla on behalf of congress ministries agreement. The compulsory teaching of Hindi in Madras had to be withdrawn under pressure from various groups including non-Barhamans and Muslims. AIML used different tactics to publicize Muslim grievances and effectively used this campaign to unite the Muslims on its Plateform. A committee consisting of Politicians and Ulema of Muslim Minority provinces toured, Sindh, Punjab, and NWFP. A similar committee of Muslim majority provinces toured the Muslim minority provinces to apprize help of the nature of Muslim grievances. The congress govt soon felt the heat of this campaign. The AIML, its branches and individual leagues profusely documented the Muslim grievances. They sent memoranda of grievances to the governors for action, with copies endorsed to the PML and AIML. Three detailed report are better known than the others. Three detailed reports are better known than others. One by S.M Sharif, second A.K Fazal-Haq and third by AIML committee known as pirpur report. These reports prove the provincial acts of 1935 had failed, as the governors had to unable to protect the minorities in the Hindu Majority provinces. S.M. Shareef vice president of Bihar ML and president of its publicity committee prepared report Muslim grievances in Bihar which is known as shareef report on Jinnah’s advice, he sent the copies of members of working committee of AIML, Muslim members of central legislature, members of British cabinet and parliament and editors of Important British and Indian newspapers also sent the copies of Nehru and subhas Chandra Bose and Rajendra Parsad. Rajendra Parsad Reply on the report. Muslim grievances could not be investigated because after the resignation of congress ministry, the former minister did not have access to the official record. The 2nd report was prepared by Fazal-ul-Haq chief Minister of Bangal. The two leaders had agree to tour the Hindi Majority provinces to Muslim grievances. Although the proposed four did not materialize partly due to resignation of congress ministries. The 3rd report was prepared by a committee chaired by Syed M. Mehdi pirpur year later, Jinnah sent copies of prirpur report to viceroy linlithgow and 8 British officials, demanding an inquiry into the Muslim grievances by Royal commission. His demand was supported by M.C Raj (All India depressed classes association. 1000 copies of pirpur report were sent to England for distribution among the British official’s politicians and press. In Mid-July congress did respond to reports about Muslim grievances to disparage themasmere propaganda. Its provincial govts, at vallabah patel’s suggestion investigated the charges a contradicted them in official communiqué’s as unfounded. The PML however issued rejoined to these communiqués to counter these assertion. Rajendra parsad offered to hold a judicial inquiry in to Muslim grievences. But by then it was too late, as Jinnah had already requested the viceroy for an inquiry by a royal commission because the victory and governors were responsible for the protections of rights and interests of minorities under the act. A royal commission was composed of purely judicial personal was expected to be completely detach from the poisoned atmosphere of India. The British govt however did not accept the league demand on the pler that it was not in the interest of either party or of India as whole and that it would embitter communal relations. The league expressed it is sense of bitter resentment at the rejection of its demand, which, it felt, was due to the ….. Ignorance of the conditions prevailing in India. Muslim grievances under congress rule contributed to strengthen the national identity of the Indian Muslims and shook the leaguers confidence in the usefulness of western democracy for the ………. Of their rights in India. The intensity of Muslim resentment was demonstrated in the way they observed Friday 22 December as the day of Deliverance and Thanks giving and when congress ministries resign in the provinces. Leagues opposed the talks with congress and settlement of Hindu Muslim problem. Hence forth, the league, firmly opposed any move to refine the congress ministries in the provinces once Jinnah was threatened the possibility of a civil war if British govt installed the congress ministries. All the developments discussed previously contributed to the rapid growth of political consciousness among Muslims which found expression in deliberations of AIML at its annual session during 1920-12. Muslims political objective could no longer be confined merely to protection of Rights and interest but should aim at smoothing broader and more inspiring which would lead them to the attainment of their ultimate destiny. It was felt that the time had come to effect a change in the creed of league. This feeling was strengthened on behalf of Mr. Jinnah. In 1911 and 1912 the council of the AIML had recommend a radical change in its creed. Finally on 22, March 1913 at the suggestion of Mr. Jinnah the AIML resolved to adopted the ideal of the attainment under the aegis of the British crown of a system of self-govt suitable to India through constitutional means by bringing about among others, a study reform of existing system of administration by promoting national unity, by fostering public spirit among the people of India co-operating with tether communities for the said purpose. The league passed another resolution which reflected the Muslims earnest desire for co-operation with other communities for the attainment of other objectives. The resolution recorded belief that the future development and progress of the people of India depended on the harmonious working and co-operation of various communities and expressed the hope the leaders of both sides would meat periodically tighter to find a modus oper and for joint and conceded on question of public good. The congress leaders in pre Gandhi an era welcomed the gesture made by the league. The congress at its annual session in December 1930 at Karachi passed resolution, welcoming the adoption by the ML of the Ideal of self govt for India and declaration of necessarily of harmonious co-operation. The political acumen shown by Muslim leader, as is evident from the careful working of the changed creed of the league, was, indeed remarkable. After adopting “self-govt”. As its creed in March, 1913 the league met for its next annual session at Agra in December of the same year under the president ship of Sir Ibrahim Rahin took. In presidential address, he said, Hindu-Muslim amity which he regarded as essential for the political advancement of the country. At the same time, he stress the need of separate electorate without which the identity of Muslims could not be maintained. His pointe duty that Muslims had been sincerely co-operating with Hindus on question involving the interests of India as a whole and asked the audience to compare the solution of the problems propounded by Muslims league with those put forward by the congress. He deemed that “on all questions affecting the common interest of the people of India we have readily and sincerely co-operated”. The political advancement of Muslim was reflected inflowing observation made by Sir Ibrahim Rahim took: “a country like India cannot always remain under a foreign govt. there is no doubt that the basis of the British govt is public welfare, yet it cannot exist here forever, India is our ancestral country and proud heritage, and one day our guardians will have to hand it over to us”. Two things were clear, the Muslims were anxious to preserve their identity and secure their fair share in the new opening for social, education, soconomic developments but they were not a what less keen than others to work for the realization of the ideal of self govt in the country. The movement for the Hindu-Muslim amity and cooperation was gaining Momentum. When WWI broke out in purpose in August, 1914. Waratt allies claimed that they were fighting for democracy, equality of nations, justice to all, and right of self-determination the British premier, Mr. Asqith, at the beginning of the war referred to “the intolerable degradation of foreign yoke”. Emphasized that in the Indian question must be seen “from anew angle of vision”. In 1914 due to the exigencies of the war no session of ML could be held. But a climate had already been created for bringing the league and congress dose together. Mr. M.A Jinnah, who was the rising star in political firmament of India, played a distinguished role in bringing about this consummating. It was generally raised by the more thoughtful sections of the public that if India were to derive any political benefit after the conclusion of the it was necessary to promote greater understanding cooperation between the Hindus and Muslims and put up before Britain a joined demand backed by 2 peoples. To this and it was considered desirable that the league and congress should hold their sessions about the same time and same place so as to facilitate Mutual discussion and consultation and evolve, if possible, common solutions of the problem facing the country. The congress was to hold in session in Bombay in December 1915. Mr. Jinnah with concurrence of leading Muslims of Bombay, invited the AIML to hold its annual session at the same time and place. Mr. Jinnah’s effort succeed for the first time, league and congress held their sessions at same place. Mr. Jinnah said, on 16th Bombay provincial political conference held at Ahmedabad in October 1916. “Hindus and Muslims to stand united and use every constitutional means to effect that transfer as soon as possible. “Hindus and MUSLIMS United and firm, the voice of 300 millions of people vibrating throughout the length and breadth of the country, will produce a force which no power on earth can resist”. This speech showed a robust sense of realism which guided Mr. Jinnah’s approach to problems throughout this political life. It helped create at harmony of thought and action among the different elements of the Indian body politic at least for the time being. It is our firm belief that if Muslims or Hindus attempt to achieve success in opposition to or even without the cooperation one another, they will not only fail, but fail ignominiously. We may not create today the patriotic favour and fine national fenzy of japan with its 40 million of homogenous people. But concordat like that of Canada is not beyond the bounds of practicability. It may note a love marriage born of romance and poetry. But a marriage convenance, honorably contracted and honorably mainlined is not to be despised”. Luck now pact Jinnah presiding at the ML session made a strong plea of unity. “Towards the Hindus”, he said, our attitude should be of good will and brotherly feelings, co-operation in the cause of our mother land should be our guiding principle. India’s real progress can only be achieved by a the understanding and harmonious relations between the two great sister communities. These over …….. of good will and friendship were fully reciprocated by the congress and the result was league-congress agreement familiarly know as lucknow pact of 1916. Although there had been a sharp differences on the issue of electorates these differences were patched up at lucknow and Muslims were conceded separate electorates not only where they had existed previously but in the Punjab and central provinces where they did not exist under the provision of the Indian councils act of 1909. Muslim weightage was substantially increased in Muslim minority provinces. The Muslims were to constitute one third of elected members in central council. It was further provided in the pact that no bill affecting a particular community should be preceded within any council of ¾ of the representatives of the community opposed it. The Muslim were however Luck now pact AIML initiated moves to recast its policies. It gradually come closer to the congress to devise a common plat form infact, league had avoided the unnecessary criticism of the congress policies. Its struggle was focused primarily on protecting Muslim interest in constitutional reforms so that the leaders began to cultivate the congress and appreciated its past achievements and explained Muslim loyalty to the British intense of “Muslim self inter” and “communal consideration”. After the historic session in lucknow, congress and AIML adopted a joint reforms scheme on 29 December 1916 and 31 December respectively. Several congress leaders attended the league session and many leaguers in return were present at congress session. The joint scheme was known as luck now Pact although the parties did not formally sign any document. The scheme was meant to be the step towards the establishment of “complete self govt” in India. It provided for the following % of Muslims in various provincial legislatures; and they were to be elected on separate electorate. The total strength was notable less than 125 in major provinces and 50-75 in in minor provinces. Provinces Muslim percentage Muslim% in population Bengal 40 53 Up 30 14 Punjab One half 55 Bombay 1/3 20 Madras 15 6 Bihar and oris 25 10 Central province 15 6 The Muslims were however, to abandon their existing right to vote in general as well as separate electorate. Simla deputation On 1st October 1906, Minto received the Muslim deputation of 35 prominent Muslim leaders from all over India at Simla the delegation was led by Sir Agha Khan. The deputation put forward the following demands. 1. The electoral system for the elective bodies should be such as to provide for the right to elect their own representatives from social constituencies. 2. Keeping in view their historical importance and political positions the Muslim should be given more seats than were warranted by their population strength. 3. Muslims should be given appointments in gazzated services according to certain proportion. They should be appointed as judges of high courts and chief courts and members of the executive council. Some seats should be reserved for Muslims in the syndicates and senates of universities. 4. Aid should be given towards the establishment of the Muslim university. Separate electorate, was the best part that the Muslims leader could suggest for the safe guarding of Muslim right and preservation of political, social, and cultural identity of Muslims consistently with and system of representative institution. The viceroy lord Minto gave a sympathetic reply. Paying a glowing tribute to the Aligarh college and its founder, he said, “Aligarh has won its laurel its students have gone forth to fight the battle of life strong in the tenets of their own religion. Strong in percepts of loyalty and patriotism and now when there is much that is critical in the political future of India the inspiration of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan and teachings of Aligarh shine forth brilliantly in the pride of Mohammadan history, to the loyalty, common sense and sound reasoning so eloquently expressed in your address”. It was clear from the viceroy’s reply that, thought be had not made a definite commitment, the principle underlying the demand for separate electorate was recognized. This shows that there is truth in the allegation that the Muslim leaders deputation was a command performance. The deputation was the entirely outcome of the Muslims political awakening and owed its origin to the initiative of the Muslims leaders who felt that the time had come to make a positive move to secure Muslims rights and interest in the political field. The success of the deputation and the speed and thoroughness with which it was organized was a tribute to the political sagacity and sincerity of purpose Nawab-Muhsinul Mulk. Though the demand for separate representation of Muslims had been viewed with sympathy by the viceroy, sustained efforts had to be made over the next three years in order to secure ultimately the application of the principle of separate electorate in the Minto Morely Reforms of 1909. ML today and yesterday Lucknow pact said: The happenings both in India and abroad after 1906 brought about a complete change in Muslim politics in India. The Muslims, after repeated sufferings, came to the belief “to rely on this foreign and non-Muslim govt for support and sympathy, even after making even conceivable sacrifice for its sake, was futile, and that if they were in need of support and sympathy, they must have a lasting equitable settlement with sister communities of India”. The change of outlook found its consummation in the famous luck now pact between ML and congress in 1916. This even stands as a landmark in the political history of India, for, while on the one hand it brought the Muslims face to face with British govt, on the other it also established the independent and separate entity of Muslim in the sub-continent of India. Khilafat Movement said: It was no small miracle of British diplomacy that when it 1914 WWI broke out with Germany and Turkey sided with her, the Muslims of India, notwithstanding their profound disaffection with the British govt, pledged their unswerving loyalty to it and afforded their fullest co-operation and support for a successful prosecution of the war in un equivocal words did M. Ali declare. “Al truly loyal people have closed the chapter of civic controversy with the officials and into that book they are likely to look no more. Whatever our grievances, whatever reforms we desire, everything must wait for a more reasonable occasion. Even if the govt were to concede to us all that we ever desired or dreamt: of the press act repeal were to be announced; or even if self govt were to be conceded to us, we would humbly tell got that this is no time for it, and we must for the present decline such concessions with thanks. Concession are asked for and accepted in peace. We are not Russian poles we need no bribes. 1933 act said: The federation part of the act Jinnah and ML, because without that they could have been no …. For Pakistan in the coming years. His fears against federation were well founded, for he knew that “once saddled in the centre, the Hindu will in a commanding position to muzzle the four or five Muslim provinces into complete sub-ordination”. Congress Ministries The Pirpur report was followed by literature of Similar nature like the Shareef report based upon an enquiry into the grievences of Muslims in Bihar, the Kamal for Jung report showing the position of Muslim education under the congress govt and last the statement issue to the press by A.K. Fazl ul Haq entitled Muslim sufferings under congress rule. This literature was based on some of the incidents of the Muslim sufferings in different provinces and indifferent fields during the 27 months of the congress rule. It spoke how cow-sacrifice was prevented in villages butchers were accepted, pork was thrown in to mosque, Muslims prayers were interrupted and Hullabloo of the Hindu incendiaries, Muslim shops were boycotted and Muslims were attacked irrespective of age and sex. Muslim school students were obliged to sauté the congress flag, tossing the Bande-Matram prayers to the dead-earth with folded hands, and obliged to wear Khaddar (homespun) clothier and “Gandhi-Caps” , and worship Gandhi’s portrait on the occasion of his birthday. K.K. Aziz Making of Pakistan Nehru Report said: Nehru report was a blessing disguise the Muslim nationalism it united the Muslims as nothing else could have done at that time. All political differences and personal rivalries were hushed. From the this moment onward there was nothing that could be called “Indian anomalism”. A separate Muslim national feeling had by now grown almost to majority, through it was not given a name for another loyears. Allama Iqbal Address Address of Allama Iqbal to ML in 1930, This interpretation Muslim demands came very near the heart of the matter. Muslim nationalism was coming to the point of demanding and territory for its consummation. Minto Morely Reforms Throughout the development of reforms the league’s concern was to press forward its demand for its demand for separate representation and weighting to take account of Muslims of Muslim “political importance”. The league was faced by the liberal secretary of state who was strongly opposed in principle to the concessions it demanded but whose room for maneuvering was limited in part by the political significance which was attached to Muslims in govt policy and in part by the need of a hard pressed liberal govt achieve legislative success. This was a situation in which, although it did not fully realize at this time, there was a good chance that the league would be able to apply pressure with success. There were two stages when the league was able to put pressure on govt. the first was when the bill was before parliament. The 2nd was when the govt in India was preparing rules for election and determining the number of Muslim seats. Both stages were crucial to ML success. To get its way it set out India, and do so as Muslims had never done before. Inside India it mobilized the various branches of ML and many other Muslim anurans and associations. Outside India, that is in England, it used, in particular the London branch of ML established in May 1908. The ML I its struggle did not badly and could justifiably claim credit for Muslim case effectively and successfully in that the principle of separate Muslim representation was recognized. The winning of 6 fixed seats and 2 under Mixed electorates, 8 in a total of 28 elected seats to the imperial legislative council, was a remarkable achievement. This no represented 28% of council as compared with 23% Muslim population of British India. The no of 8 seats to be had was double the number first offered by the secretary of state’s dispatch of 17 May 1907. Certainly the ML had done well in its fight and it could not be charged with under representing the Muslim case or dealing with it ineffectively. 1909 reforms provided separate electorate for Muslim in all provinces except in Burma, central provinces, NWFP and the Punjab the Agha Khan addressing the league’s annual session at Delhi in January 1910, said, “I am glad our just demand has been recognized…. We must accept it as final in an appreciative spirit, worthy of our traditions”. Towards Pakistan Within 2 years of its inception as a political organization the Muslim league scored a Major political victory in the teeth of opposition of an older and more powerful organization. The day the demand for separate electorate was conceded, the course for the Muslim freedom movement was charted. It laid the foundation for the growth of the Muslim national consciousness which, after a 40 year struggle, was to achieve for the Muslim the culmination of their aspirations as a distinct nation. Having won recognition of the principle of the separate electorate in so for as the legislative council were concerned, the ML continued its efforts to secure extension of this principle to Municipal and District boards as well. In 1910, league specially passed a resolution, declaring that the number of Muslim in various branches of public service was absolutely in adequate and strongly urging gvot to give Muslim community the share in public service to which it was entitled by reason of its importance and numerical strength. In reply to its strong representations in this behalf, the league was assured by govt of India that that desired that Muslims like every there community should enjoy that share of govt patronage to which the number and importance of their community and their educational and other qualifications entitled them. As a result of league’s efforts some tangible steps were taken by govt to remove Muslim grievancesin so far higher echelons of govt were concerned. Messer Sharif ud din, Karamat Hussain and shah din were appointed judges of the high courts of Calcutta, Allahabad and the Punjab respectively, Major Syed Hassan Bil Grami was appointed a member of secretary of state for India’s council and Syed Ali Imam was included in viceroy’s executive council as law member. (Early phase of Muslim political movement Jamal-ud-Din Ahmad. Jinnah felt the minority must first have a sense of security before its willing cooperation could be evoked for the larges interest of the country. He centred his efforts, therefore, on the up lift of Muslims in general; as well as on bringing the league into dose harmony with the national congress. In line with first policy Jinnah, as a member of imperial legislative council, had supported Goknale’s bill for free and compulsory elementary education, and abo had achieved the passage, early in 1913, of Muslim an wake validating bill. The later bill established as part of the law of British India the Muslim’s right to make a waqf, a form of trust already provided under Muslim law, to prevent Hindu moneylenders from wiping out Muslim family inheritances. Jinnah pleaded as a high dispassionate jurist, not a Muslim, and histraact in piloting through such a controversial measure the first time abillhad passed into legislation on the motion of a private Indian member won the admiration of his colleagues. The achievement, however, abo won him his first real portion of recognition from his co-religionists throughout India. Cawnpore Mosque incident The Kanpur Mosque tragedy was another shocking event. It was a horrific example of the brutish use of the state security forces against unarmed civilian struggling to preserve the sanctity of their elgius site. On 11 November 1909 up govt had notified the acquisition of land for the expansion of road in Kanpur-A.B road that included a portion of a masjid in Machhli Bazar, which abutted on the road, and a Hindu temple. Both communities, Muslims and Hindu is, made representations to the govt no acceptable solution could be found and the dispute lingered on. RIC’s AIML council considered the Nehru report as “most unsatisfactory and inadequate document”. As its authors refused to accept “vital” Muslim demands including the one of the separate electorates. These was a deadlock. Now Jinnah promoted the idea of RIC on June 1929, in a letter to prime minister. MacDonald, he asks for steps to break the “serious deadlock”. The P.M discussed Jinnah’s proposal with lord Irwin Lvicroy Jinnah’s influence was reflected in Irwin’s announcement on 31st October, that British intention implicit in the declaration of August 1917 was to give to dominion status to India and that the British govt intentended to invite representatives of different parties and interest in British India and the states to prepare proposal for the parliament that might “command a wide measure of general assent”. RIC produced some useful some results for Muslims. One positive outcome was the introduction of constitutional reforms in NWFP. Earlier n Nehru report had made the constitutional reforms in the NWF Contingent upon the approval of an all-India constitution based on its recommendations, and the Simon commission had even remained form recommending their introduction although it recognized the right and need for constitutional reforms in the province P.M MacDonald formally announced the decision for raising the status of the NWFP to a governors province with an elected legislature of the 2nd RIC on 1 December 1931, after by a committee chaired by Henry Graham Haig on the distribution of subjects between cetnre and the province and on financial matters. The following year in April, NWFP had a governor and an elected assembly the high weightage for the minorities in the provincial assembly was the cost that NWFP Muslims paid for the Introduction of constitutional reforms. The decision to constitute Sindh into an autonomous province was made simultaneous to the enactment of the act of 1935. Sindh became a separate provincial. Communal award In August 1932 came the provisional scheme of minority representation, commonly known as “communal award”, which allocated seats to different communities in various provincial legislatures. The award for Muslim Seats Women Total City 29 1 215 Madras 63 1 200 Bombay - Bangal 66 2 228 UP 86 2 175 Punjab 42 1 175 Bihar and Orisa 14 Nil 112 CP 34 // 108 Asam 36 // 50 NWFP 30 1 175 Bombay 34 1 60 Sindh K.K. Aziz Making of Pakistan Cripse Proposals The greatest victory all the greater because the least ex-pected---of Muslim nationalism came in 1942, when the British war cabinet accepted in Principle the Idea of Pakistan. The Draft declaration, brought by Sir Stafford crips to India and published on 30 May 1942, contained a provision where by any province could stay out of the prosed Indian union with the right of forming its won independent govt. this non-accession clause” was a major, if not a complete, concession to the Muslim demand for Pakistan. Though the ML rejected the offer on the ground that the non-accession clause did not go far enough to produce the Pakistan of their dreams, and though lord Hailey thought that this clause was designed not with a view to creating Pakistan but to impressing on Hindus the necessity of coming to some form of terms with Muslims, the fact remains that within 2 yea so Lahore resolution the British govt had officially and publically accepted the spirit of Muslim Nationalism and agreed to its political manifestation Pakistan. Shimla conference Two significant features of Simla conference was congress accepted the principle of parity between Hindus and Muslims this was a remarkable development, for it implied Hindu acquiescence in the 2-nation theory. Hindus and Muslims were to separate nations coming together for the time being in the viceroy’s council. The Muslim were not a minority to be fobbed off with a meager representation. They were a nation entitled to equality with the other nation, the Hindus. It may be, as the congress later argued, that it agreed to parity as a political expedient, but to Muslims as to many others the congress gesture conveyed the impression that at least the Hindus had accepted the existence of a separate Muslim nationalism in India. The success of the league was largely due to its efficiency in strategy. Dr. N.V. Raj Kumar, secretary, foreign dept, All India congress committee, says “to find a parallel to ml organization we have only to turn to the Nazi party in pre-war Germany….. Hilter’s Ein further, En Reich, Ein volk doctrine is reproduced while sale in Quaid-e-Azam Pakistan-Islamic brotherhood program of the ML”. The position of M.A Jinnah in the league gave it a dictatorial character. His complete capture of power and assumption of all authority beer testimony to his inordinate ambition as the custodian of Muslim destiny. As Hilter in Nazi Germany and Mussolini in Fascist Italy, so Jinnah, by gradual steps, was recognized as the leader of Muslim community. The of Quaid-e-Azam is an indication of the fact that Musalmans accepted him as their great only leader of distinction. On his attainment of Pakistan, the Quaid-e-Azam had no difficulty in calling himself the field Marshal of the Muslim community. He said, addressing the council of AIML on June 9, “I have done my job. When he field Marshal leads his army to victory it is for the civil authority to take over”. Luck now pact: This change of outlook found its consolation in the famous luck now pact between ML and congress in 1916. This events stands as a landmark in the political history of India, for while on hard it brought the Muslims face to face with British govt, on the other, it also established the independent and separate entity of Muslim in sub-continent of India. 1935 act In November 1927 British govt made an announcement about the appointment of a statuary commission under the leadership of Sir John Simon for recommending another installment of reforms for India. The report of this body, which subsequently formed the basis of govt of India act 1935 was published in October 1934. It was debated in February 1935. The congress moved that the scheme must not be accepted since it gave no real power to Indian people but ML did not rejected in to it accepted the communal award until a sutitute was agreed upon by the various commutes concerned. But it denounced the plan of an all India federation as something fundamentally bad and totally unacceptable for the reason that it was devoid of all basic and essential dements, and it world lead then to nothing but bitterness and ill-will, and nothing but wrangles in the so-called federal legislature. The ML however accepted the letter part of the act which dealt with the provincial autonomy and the amendments proposed to the official resolution by Jinnah, as the representative of the ML, were adopted. The rejection of federation part of act of 1935 was a great achievement on the part of Jinnah and ML, because without that there could have been no demand for Pakistan in coming years. His fears against federation were well founded, for he knew that one saddled in the centre, the Hindu will be in a commanding position to Muzzle the 4065 Muslim provinces into complete subordination. But the temper of ML became predominantly radical a t this juncture, and inn the forth coming constitution they presented a very strong front against the congress. “we are a notion”, as Jinnah declared on, “with our own distinctive culture and civilization, language and literature, art and architecture, names, and nomenclature, sense of value and proportion, legal laws and moral codes, customs and calendar, history and tradition, aptitude and ambitions, in short, we have our own distinctive outlook on life and of life. By all canons of international law we are nation”. Muslim revival While in the political sphere the Muslim league was becoming gradually more nationalist, stronger signs of Muslim national awakening were evident elsewhere on the Indian scene. The Bengali Muslims as a group were socially, economically and politically less advanced than their Hindu neighbors, and consequently even though they consisted a majority of the Bengali population they were psychologically on the defensive. They had also just witnessed the violent Hindu agitation which had won annulment of the Bengal partition. The Bengali Muslim masses therefore were receptive to religious reformist leaders and organized reform groups who persuaded them of their separate communal identity; instilling in them a pride of religion and culture, and weaning them away from former Hindu practices. The Bengali Muslims were encouraged to stay socially aloof from their Hindu neighbors thereby preserving such distinctive marks as their won patois, a Bengali mixed with Urdu and Arabic words known as Musalamni Bengali. The work of religious reformists in Bengal, in encouraging among the Muslim masses both the subjective consciousness of a separate communal identity and the objective marks of that separateness, was an essential prerequisite to Muslim national awakening here. The growth of a substantial Muslim bourgeoisie was accompanied by an increase in education, even higher education, among Muslims. The educational renaissance was beginning to extend to Muslim women. At Bombay in 1911 the first Mohammedan Ladies conference was held on the initiative of a few educated Muslim women who spoke English. Its purpose was to encourage secondary education among Muslim women and to endow scholarships for this purpose. Almost all the women were still in purdah and there was no political interest or participation among them yet. Developments at Luck now also indicated the direction and strength of Muslim national awakening. By 1913 lucknow as an important Muslim educational centre was an important Muslim educational centre strategically located in the middle of northern India; seat of a fast-growing press; home of wealthy and influential Muslim leaders; and a living link with the glories of past Muslim rule Muslims had from its earliest days been strong and active in this strategic Muslim city. -: New Elections and their aftermath When the labor party came to power in England in 1945 and the second world war ended, tit was decided to hold elections for both central and provincial assemblies which had been postponed during the war. The Muslim league, confident of its strength had been demanding fresh elections since 1943 on grounds that the present representatives in the legislatures were out of touch with public opinion. In july 1945, the league’s working committee had resolved that elections should no longer be delayed…. because important question (Pakistan) await solution which can only be properly dealt with the representatives in touch with public opinion. The league, consequently, received the government’s announcement with great satisfaction. On the eve of the elections the league’s position was in striking contrast to it situation a decade before. The league now had transformed itself from a small disorganized and reactionary group into a solidly-based, well-disciplined, progressive, mass organization. The league had increased its popular appeal by such methods as sponsoring a Haj Day designed to compel the government of India to make special arrangement for Indian Muslim pilgrims to Makkah. Congress, about this time, openly launched a vigor’s and venomous camping to create dissension in Muslim ranks and to discredit the league, but its efforts backfired. It was now a question of the very life and death of Islam and no Muslim dared range himself on the side of forces out to crush Islam. On the eve of the elections even top nationalist Muslims like Abul Qayyum Khan of the North-west frontier, and Unionists like Malik Firoz Khan Noon of the Punjab began to join the league. The elections, fought by the league on the Pakistan issue, were a triumphant vindication of the league and won all the Muslim seats in the central assembly, and 446 out of 495 in the provincial assemblies; its only failure being in the North –West frontier. The league, from 1937 to 1942 had not been particularly anxious for decisive action on a Hindu-Muslim settlement, pending the consolidation of Muslim strength in order to attain a maximum bargaining position. The elections, the league had a clear mandate from the Muslim community. Congress had the mandate of the no Mulish groups; and the British government stood committed to Indian independence. The time had come for a final settlement. Some Muslims felt that Jinnah had accepted the plan because he thought the Muslims were not strong enough to get more; that he had given up the idea of Pakistan. Others, like Hussain Imam and the Aga Khan, were convinced that Jinnah was play9ing a deeper game; hoping that with the passage of time the plan would result in the establishment of a complete Pakistan. Whatever their individual opinions concerning his motives, however, the majority of Muslims trusted the Quaid-i-Azam’s judgment in the matter implicitly. Social and other issues The All-India Muslim league did not ignore to take up those issue that indirectly related to politics or topical issues that seriously engaged Muslim attention. Next to constitutional reforms its focus was on securing a fair share for the Muslims in high offices and public services proportionate toe their population and importance. The Simla deputation had made this demand in its memorial and the All-India Muslim league reiterated it in its resolution. Whenever the British planned to appoint a Hindu to any high office, the league would demand the appointment of one Muslim as well. The central league established a Muslim employment Bureau at its head office in Lucknow to facilitate employment of Muslim candidates. The provincial Muslim leagues in the Punjab, Bengal, Bombay and United Provinces worked on similar liens. This campaign did increase recruitment of Muslims but could not eliminate completely their paucity in various services. After 1935, Muslim employees in various services and departments formed associations to advocate employment issues and the league supported their demands. The All-India Muslim league took up matters that were likely to affect Muslim recruitment in services. When the British government reduced the age-limit recruitment in services. When the British government reduced the age-limit for the candidates in the Indian civil service examination from twenty-there to twenty-two years with a corresponding increase in the period of probation in England, it made representations to the government for reconsideration of this decision. Similarly, the league raised its voice against the new regulations of the council of legal education in London for the admission of Indian students into the Inns of Court. The All-Indian Muslim league also asked for a greater share for the Indians in higher ranks of the British army to which till then persons of only British birth were eligible. This demand was met during the first world war in 1917, when the Indians were allowed in principle to enter the commissioned ranks of the British army. The league hoped that the rules framed to implement this decision would meet the wishes of the people, and that training colleges would be established in India and Muslim claims would receive full consideration. Muslim politics and education were loosely interlinked. The Aligarh alumni and like-minded individuals from all over India had played a vital role in establishing the All-India Muslim league. Its foundation was laid at the venue of an educational association, the all-India Muslim educational conference. These organizations, all-India Muslim league and All-India Muslim Educational conference, shared common platform for several years and often had common leadership. The leaguers made useful contribution to the Muslim university movement. On Sir Sayyid’s death, his followers had started a movement to realize his dream of a Muslim university. The government wanted that the governor general should be the chancellor of the university whose advice, if repeated a second time, should be binding on the governing body, and who was to give final approval to the appointment of professors. Primary education was another area that engaged the attention of the All-India Muslim League. At the Nagpur annual session, the league called for making primary education free and gradually compulsory throughout India and suggested its experimentation in a few selected areas. In August and October 1911, the All-India Muslim league council heatedly debated the provisions of the bill, and drafted a resolution for the annual session that accepted its principles but asked for due safeguards for the religious education of the Muslims, Urdu as a sole medium of instruction and equal representation of Muslims and Hindus on the controlling boards. The final resolution accepted the principles of the bill and simply asked for adequate safeguards or the interests of the Muslims. The All-India Muslim league viewed the Urdu language after religion as a uniting bond for the Indian Muslims and wanted it to be the lingua franca and sole medium of education. All-India Muslim league rarely organized any consented pro-Urdu campaign directly although it reacted to any move that was likely to harm the Urdu language or its script. The only time that it did campaign in support of Urdu as during the preparation of the census in 1911, when the Hindus were campaigning for Hindi’ and later on, in 1941, when it urged the Muslims to register Urdu as their mother tongue during the preparation of the census even if they knew a little bit of it. It passed resolutions to oppose any anti-Urdu activities especially the moves by non-Muslims to establish Hindi in the United provinces and Bombay, and Punjabi and Hindi in the Punjab as the vernacular language and made representations to the government. There were often demands for using the Urdu language in conducting the meetings of the All-India Muslim league to which the central office would respond that it could not do that because the Muslims of Bengal, Madras, Bombay and far-flung areas did not know the Urdu Language. In October 1911, when the league was asked to comment on B.N. Basu’s special Marriages bill that would have legalized marriages prohibited by the Shariat, it asked the government not to apply its provisions to the Muslims, if the bill was passed, because it would amount to undue interference in Muslim personal law. The bill, however, did not reach the enactment stage. The All-India Muslim league also endeavored to get for the Muslims employees in government officers short leave for offering prayers especially the Friday prayer during working hours. In August 1911, the All-India Muslim league council unanimously adopted the proposal of Hakim Nuruddin, head of the Ahmadi community, for two horse leave for the Friday prayer and that of the Wiqarul Mulk for half an hour leave every day for Zohar (midday) prayer. The council reiterated this resolution in November 1912. Later on, in December 1918, the All-India Muslim league at its Delhi annual session asked the government to declare Friday a half-holiday for the Muslim employee. Perhaps, as a result of this pressure, the Muslims were allowed half-holiday on Friday in government institutions before independence. Sometimes, it took up minor issues that agitated Muslim sensitivities; for example, the government of India, on its representation, issued a circular that Muslims should be addressed as Muslims, and not as Mohammadans. Muslim discontent In 1911-13, several events in and outside India agitated the Muslims of India and shook their confidence in British fairness and promises. Major events within India were the annulment of the partition of Bengal, refusal of a character of a Muslim university in accordance with the Muslim wishes and the Kanpur mosque tragedy, and those outside India were the Italian invasion of Tripoli the Balkan wars and the Russian aggression against Iran. These events agitated every section of the Muslim society. The All-India Muslim league attempted to provide leadership and a political platform to the disillusioned Muslim to express their feelings in those calamitous circumstances. Search for a goal, 1940 The failure of the Indian leaders to work out an agreement on the Hindu-Muslim question at the round table conferences brought in the British-formulated communal award that was incorporated in the act of 1935. The act provided for a federation of British India and princely sates and gave autonomy to the provinces in British India but left the people of the states at the whims of their rulers. While the representatives of British India in the feel legislature were to be elected directly the rulers were to nominate those of the states. The All-India Muslim league rejected the all-India federation but decided to work the provincial part of the act for what it was worth till an acceptable alternative was evolved in consultation with the other political parties. On the contrary, the All-India Muslim league under Jinnah’s leadership aimed at its acceptance as the sole representative party of the Muslims of India before it negotiated a settlement of the Hindu Muslim problem. the congers rule in the Indus majority provinces, the League congress intermittent unfruitful talks and the league British congress interaction helped the All-India Muslim league to determine the inherent aspirations of the Muslims of India and to spell out their goal. League congress talks During 1935-39, Jinnah interacted with Gandhi and the congress presidents to resolve the Hindu-Muslim problem. However, all the league congress talks remained enmeshed in deciding the conditions precedent and provided a fruitless exercise. Reorganization and Mobilization,- The All-India Muslim League built up a subcontinent-wide network of its organization that led the movement for Pakistan. Under the gifted and inspiring leadership of Quaid-i-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah, it united a disparate, internally divided and dispersed crowd of socially, economically and politically backward Muslims into .a 'nation' and achieved for them a separate homeland within a short span of seven years against formidable odds. Jinnah played a pivotal role in the whole process. He inspired the Muslim elites and masses without the distinction of age, gender, profession and creed and gave coherence to League thinking. The All-India Muslim League established not only its own organizational structure with an uninterrupted process of regular membership enrolment and party elections of its different tiers from the primary to the all-India level but also encouraged different { sections of the Indian Muslim society like women, students, ilium and triashaikh, professionals, workers and businessmen to organize their own separate pro-League platforms and then mobilized them to achieve its goal of the separate Muslim state of Pakistan. The process of organizing the League was gradual, and every step was taken carefully and timed well. Immediately after Jinnah's return from England, the League could no focus its attention on its organization. Its decision to participate in t1 e provincial elections under the Act of 1935 consumed the time and energies of the Leaguers. The focus was on the creation of an election machinery, collection of funds, an election campaign and post-election issues. Jinnah had created new bodies, the central parliamentary board and provincial parliamentary boards, as directed by the Bombay annual session because neither the League had ever contested any elections nor the party constitution provided for an election machinery. During 1934-37, the party frequently amended and revised its constitution. (7 April), and the All-India Muslim League revised the constitution on its recommendations at its Lucknow. Annual session that came into force on 1 February 1938.2 The League,' organized itself at the primary, city, district, provincial and all-India. Levels in accordance with this constitution.' From the Patna session (December 1938) onward, it introduced further amendments at every' annual session in the light of the experience that it gained, as it moved forward in its struggle.' Again, in 1943, it felt the need for a thorough revision of the constitution when, on 23 April Objectives (The 1937 constitution radically changed the aims and objects of the All-India Muslim League. The establishment of completely independent states formed by demarcating geographically contiguous units into regions which shall be so constituted, with such territorial readjustments as may be necessary, that the areas in which the Mussalmans are numerically in a majority, as in the north-western and eastern zones of India, shall be grouped together to constitute independent states as Muslim free national homelands in which the constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign; 2. That adequate, effective and mandatory safeguards shall be specifically provided in the constitution for minorities in the above mentioned units and regions for the protection of their religious, cultural, economic, political, administrative and other rights and interests in consultation with them; 3. That in other parts of India where the Mussalmans are in minority, adequate, effective, and mandatory safeguards shall be specifically provided in the constitution for them and other minorities for the protection of their religious, cultural, economic, political, administrative and other rights and interests in consultation with them. The strength of the League varied from province id to province. When the All-India Muslim League was revived in 1935-37, it had in all fourteen provincial Muslim Leagues: in the Punjab, Sindh, NWFP, Balochistan, Bengal. Assam, United Provinces, Bombay, Madras, Bihar, Central Provinces and Berar, Orissa, Ajmer-Merwara and Delhi; and a fifteenth League —Coorg—Bangalore provincial Muslim League— was created and affiliated in 1943. The party constitution did not make any distinction among the provinces. After 1940 however, there were informal references to the Muslim majority provinces as units of the 'Pakistan Zones'. The Sindh provincial Muslim League at G.M. Sayed's initiative made a move to coordinate the party activities in the 'Pakistan provinces' of the. north-west and the—Stati; Jammu and Kashm- ibbut his move. was not pursued seriously.' Till December 1943, the constitution had a provision, 'London Branch of the All-India Muslim League, if any', which was then amended as 'branches of the All India Muslim League, if any, outside India'(The party after its revival did not initiate any move on its own to organize a branch outside British India but it gave affiliation to the Leagues organized by the Indian Muslims outside India. After 1937, the constitution had no provision to have branch Leagues in the princely states, but almost every state had a League or a Muslim party organized on its pattern that had contacts with the League leaders particularly Jinnah. The Reform Scheme and the All-India Muslim League: An Evaluation of Its Performance -) The AIML achieved substantial gains for the Muslims in implementation of the Reform Scheme under M into-Morley Reforms. Achieving as much as double of the initially offered four seats to the Muslims by the Secretary of State's dispatch of May 1907, was a remarkable victory of AIML within a couple of years. There was no foreign element in the League, i.e. the British supporters unlike the Congress, hence it worked well and succeeded finally winning even more; eight out of twenty eight elected seats of the Imperial Legislative Council. The target achieved was twenty eight percent whereas the Muslim population in British-India was twenty three percent at that time. Quaid-i-Azam and the Simla conference 1945 The Muslims League had demanded in its Lahore session a separate homeland for the Muslims of India on the basis of Two-Nation Theory on March 23, 1940.1Since then it remained the inflexible creed and conviction of the Muslim League. The success of this new move became obvious when in the Cripp's proposals of 19422 the possibility of Pakistan, though by implication, was conceded. The proposals were rejected due to some loopholes and also because they were proposals not decision. The Muslims League succeeded partially a he British were reluctant to give up efforts for leaving behind a united India. On 18 April 1942, Gandhi, in his article, published in The Harijan, suggested that if the vast majority of Muslims regarded itself as a separate nation ... and wanted to partition India on that basis, they must have the partition.4But at the same time he doubted the representative capacity of Quaid-i-Azam and the Muslim League. The Gandhi-Jinnah talks commenced on September 9, 1944, and continued until 27 September. The main point of difference between the two leaders was Gandhi’s refusal to accept Jinnah’s claim that the Muslims formed a separate nation in India and they had the right to establish a new state through self-determination. In August 1994, both Jinnah and Dr. Ambedkar refused to cooperate with Supru. The recommendation of the Sapru committee were opposed by the Muslims League because it rejected Pakistan and reverted to uphold the concept of joint electorate. In brief, the Simla conference ended in smoke. It enhanced the popularity and prestige of Mr. Jinnah, although Jinnah’s claim that the Muslim League was an authoritative representative of the Indian Muslims had yet to be established. The position was made pretty clear in this respect. That the congress opposed the idea. But the entire political situation was obvious. The league stood as a firm rock and its leader captained the course of the Muslims. Hindus and Muslims would get freedom but the League wished not to be bypassed. To be brief, the conference had a negative success. In it’s for the creation of Pakistan which marked the Simla conference as a milestone in the March of freedom of Muslim India for a separated homeland. Muslim League Activities in 1946 Daring its first half, especially between the years 1931 and 1933, the Muslims political activism had reached its lowest ebb and the Muslim political activism had reached its lowest ebb and the Muslim population had become a more ‘motley crowd’ without any discipline and defined and goals. The general elections of 1945-46 were more crucial for the AIML as it had to prove that the majority of the Indian Muslims supported its respective stands i.e. the Indian Muslims were a separate nation, and creation of Pakistan was the only viable solution of their problems. On the other hand the INC tried to dispel the impression that the AIML was the sole representative of Muslim India; and in order to demonstrate its popularity among the Muslim masses, managed to win the active support of many non-League Muslim organizations like the Momins, the Ahrars, the Shia Conference, the Jamiat-ul-ulma-i-Hind and the Unionist Party of the Punjab which was mainly composed of Muslim rural elites. The election results brought clear victory for the AIML's assumptions as it captured every single Muslim seat of the Central Legislature by securing 86.6% of total Muslim votes, and in most of the cases, the nationalist Muslims, despite the vigorous support of the INC, lost their deposits.32 The same success story was repeated in the provincial elections held in early 1946 in which the AIML acquired 440 seats out of total of 495 seats.33 These results clearly manifested that the Indian Muslims were united behind the dynamic leadership of the Quaid-i-Azam, and Pakistan was their ultimate goal. The AIML's activities in 1965 reached its peak during that year; and one can observe a rapid development in its organizational mobility. During the said phase, three main meetings of the AIM Working Committee were held in Delhi, which had become the center of the final stage of struggle against the colonial rule.34 Besides these, two important meetings of the AIML Council, the chief decision-making organ of the party, were held, the deliberations of which manifested, that the Muslim nationalism had reached its zenith, 35 and the Indian Muslim were determined to achieve Pakistan at all costs, which in the Quaid-i-Azam’s words had become, “….their destiny , their deliverance and their defense.” Nationalism His views were ardently supported by the other participants of the convention who found themselves in complete harmony with their great commander. For instance, the prominent Bengali leader H.S. Suhrawardy declared that, “Muslims of Bengal are prepared to make f=every sacrifice for the great glory of Pakistan.” 40 ChoudharyKhaliquzzaman asserted that, “… the Muslims have been striving ever since 1857 to maintain their existence, and the demand for Pakistan was the consummation of those aspirations.” 41Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatuallah, then premier of the province of Sind, declared that, “We shall not accept anything less than Pakistan. Very man in Sind will resist the imposition of a government unacceptable to Muslims with all possible means.” The AIML’s commitment for the establishment of Pakistan was clearly manifested in the main resolution passed by the Legislator’s convention, which inter alia stated that,”… the zones… where the Muslims are in a dominate majority be constituted into a sovereign independent state and that an unequivocal undertaking be given to implement the establishment of Pakistan without delay…”43 The same deposition was made in the pledge, signed by every AIML legislator at the end of the said meeting, in which while declaring the firm conviction that salvation and destiny of the Indian Muslims lay only in the achievement of Pakistan, it was committed that the signatory would undergo any danger, trail or sacrifice which might be demanded of him for the attainment of the cherished national goal of Pakistan. The AIML’s Legislators Convention was a landmark event in the growth of Muslim nationalism in British India as it clearly established the fact that the AIML had become the sole spokesman of its community and it ought to be consulted for the solution of the communal problem of India, and no verdict could be imposed upon India without the AIML’s authorization. This decisive power of the AIML was clearly reflected during the negotiations held for implementing the cabinet Mission plan which was the last attempt by the British authorities to keep their ‘jewel of the crown’ under their control. The AIML took a very important step by deciding that the Quaid-i-Azam alone should negotiate with the Cabinet delegation so that the unanimity of the AIML' stand and its complete confidence in its pace-setter could be exhibited. During his negotiations with the British politicians and the Viceroy, held in Delhi and Simla respectively, the Quaid-i-Azam adopted an uncompromising stand and insisted on the viability of the creation of Pakistan, a position which was later duly approved by the AIML Working Committee meeting held at Simla on May 10-13, 1946. The resolution adopted at the said gathering stated that, "The Working Committee, after hearing from the President (Quaid-i-Azam) ... an account of what had happened during the Tripartite Conference ... fully endorsed the stand taken by the Muslim League delegation." After being unable to secure a compromise on the fundamental li issues, the Cabinet Mission announced its own plan, which while i. ruling out the possibility of creation of Pakistan, tried to adopt a I middle course by creating different zones consisting of groups of I provinces, thus giving the Muslims a bit safer but still a precarious I status.48 The ABM Council meeting held in Delhi on June 6, 1946, resolved that the arguments advanced by the Cabinet Mission against the creation of Pakistan were weak and illogical’.49 But as a last constitutional resort to solve the communal puzzle of British India, the meeting announced the ABIL's acceptation of the plan, as it believed that the Cabinet scheme would t ultimately lead towards the establishment of Pakistan, and authorized the Quaid-i-Azam to negotiate with the viceroy for formulation of an interim Government. It immediately cancelled its approval of the Cabinet Mission plan and simultaneously adopted an aggressive attitude to get its scheme of separate homeland approved. Through a resolution, passed at the ATML Council meeting held in Bombay on July 27-29, 1946, it declared that, "now the time had come for the Muslim nation to resort to direct action to achieve Pakistan, to assent their just rights, to vindicate their honor and to get rid of the present British slavery and the contemplated future caste-Hindu domination." In statement issued immediately after the said session, the Quaid-i-Azam very rightly pointed out the dramatic change in the ALML stand by declaring that, "What we have done today is the most historic act in our history. Never have we in the whole history of the League done anything except by constitutional methods."56 This statement displays the AIML's strategy of using all possible means to achieve Pakistan. Muslims about the radical change in its pattern, the AIML decided to observe a Direct Action day throughout India on August 16, 1946. While announcing that momentous policy decision, the Quaid-i-Azam appealed that the day should be observed peacefully without any provocation to any other community. Later, at a press conference held on July 31, 1946, he further made it clear that 'direct action' was not a declaration of war against anybody and pointed out that the AIML alone had exactly kept itself within the constitutional track and been following constitutional means. The observance of the Direct Action Day was a crystal clear verdict and confirmation that the Indian Muslims thoroughly endorsed the course of action adopted by the AIML. On that occasion, the AIML workers took out processions in all major ties which culminated into huge public meetings where resolutions were passed fully approving the AIML's stand. In the provinces of Bengal and Sind, where the AIML governments were in office, the day was observed officially by declaring it a public holiday. Addressing a huge gathering at Calcutta, H.S. Suhrawardy made it clear that If the INC was invited to form government at the center without the AIML participation, he would declare Bengal an independent unit with a parallel government in his province.58 That bold announcement made the Hindu communalists insane and they unleashed incredible atrocities upon the innocent and unarmed Muslim population of Calcutta. According to a modest estimate, in that massacre, later known as 'Great Calcutta Killing' more than five thousand persons were assassinated and about 20.000 were injured. These riots made it clear that the mutual relations of the major communities had reached their lowest ebb and now it was not possible for them to live in one country under any circumstances. Although during the ninety years of British rule, Hindu-Muslim riots had become the order of day but even by that standard, the Calcutta riots were carried to an unprecedented scale. The Viceroy Wavell, after visiting Calcutta, was convinced that for achieving communal harmony in India and to avoid a civil war, a compromise between the INC and the centre without the AIML’s participation. In this way, the zealous efforts of the Indian Muslims and their representative organizations, the AIML, conclusively reached its density, and Pakistan emerged as an independent sovereign state on August 14, 1947. Despite all these sincere efforts and noble sentiments, the concerned authorities in England and in British India, quite in connivance with the majority community, paid no heed to the earnest sentiments of the AIML leadership. Such an adamant and arrogant behavior of both the British and the Hindus against the genuine Muslim claims was the Major factor which finally led to the bifurcation of the subcontinent and creation of a separate Muslim homeland, Pakistan. Allahabad Address of Iqbal and the creation of Pakistan When the round table conference was in session in London, an important pronouncement about the viewpoint of the Muslims regarding the political situation and problems of the future constitutions of India was made by Allama Iqbal in his presidential address during the annual session of All-India Muslim league in December 1930 at Allahabad. He in fact, made an analytical study of the problem with philosophical approach and presented his own solution which ultimately shaped the political thinking of the Muslims, determined their future course of action and heralded the creation of Pakistan. The political standpoint of the All-Indian Muslim league was based on the Tow-nation theory according to which India was inhabited by two big nations, the Muslims and Hindus. It was a big political blunder to consider the Muslims and Hindus as one nation. Their struggle before 1940 to safeguard and protect their legitimate rights in the form of separate electorate, recognition of Muslim majorities in the Punjab and Bengal, separation of Sindh from Bombay, introduction of constitutional reforms in the NWFP an Baluchistan, federal form of government with maximum autonomy for the provinces and one-third Muslim representation in the central legislature is enough in indicate that the Indian Muslims always considered themselves to be a distinct and separate nation from the Hindus. Iqbal emphasized that Islam was not the name of a few creeds. Islam had given to its followers the concept of a unique policy which covered every phase of their life. The social homogeneity and the common spirit are the two elements which bind the Indian Muslims together into one nation. They had a natural urge of maintaining their identity as a separate nation, flourish and prosper in accordance with their won ideology the ideology of Islam which is raison d’etre of Pakistan. “Islam does not bifurcate the unity of man into an irreconcilable duality of spirit and matter. In Islam, God and Universe, spirit and matter, church and state are organic to each other. For such a group of people. The concept of an Indian nationhood and the construction of a policy on national liens amounted to a negation of the Islamic principle of solidarity and therefore, not acceptable to Muslim. Iqbal insisted that there could be no internal harmony unless there was an amicable settlement of the communal question and a satisfactory and permanent solution of the communal question was only possible if the Muslims were guaranteed a safe existence as a separate unit. He said: “I have no hesitation in declaring that if the principle that the Indian Muslim is entitled to full and free development on the lines of his own culture and tradition in his own Indian homeland, is recognized as the basis of permanent communal settlement, he will be ready to stake his all for the freedom of India. Quaid-i-Azam’s fourteen points: A critique The Quaid had fully realized the gravity of the situation. It was his ardent desire to unite the Muslims on one platform to further their cause. Thus, in order to achieve that goal, he formulated (in March 1929) a compromise formula containing his historic fourteen points which was adopted by the combined session of Jinnah league and Shafi League held at Delhi on March 30, 1929. The original texts of both the resolutions shows that their movers and exponents undoubtedly speak almost in similarly contexts, with similar contents and meaning encompassing all the general Muslim demands emphasized and put forward during the twenties. Both resolutions stand for federal from of government, preservation of separate electorates, Muslim representation in Punjab and Bengal on population basis if separate electorates are not preserved separation of Sind from Bombay, reforms in NWF province and Baluchistan, adequate share of Muslims in services, and 1/3 share in central Legislature. Besides, both demand safeguards for the promotion of education among the Muslims. The fact is that demands included by the Quaid and Sir Muhammad Shafi in their respective draft resolutions were the general demands of the Muslims during the hectic years of twenties and most of these had long history behind them. The concept of federal from can be clearly found in the Lucknow Pact (1916) which suggested limited powers for Governor general and his executive and the concept of separate electorates first developed in the minds of leaders like Sir Syed Ahmed Khan in the late nineteenth century, which along with other demands i.e. Adequate share in services and cabinet and legislatures, promotion of education among Muslim and safeguards for the protection of Muslim culture and civilization were emphatically demanded by the Simla deputation (1906). Separate electorates ultimately were granted by the British government in the reforms of 1909. Similarly, most of the Muslim demands with separate electorates were accepted by the Hindu leader and incorportated in the famous-Lucknow pact concluded between Indian National Congress and All-India Muslim League. Specially, the point regarding the "passage of no bill or resolution or any part thereof' was the very important clause of the Lucknow pact. In the beginning of 'twenties, the demand for reforms in NWFP was the burning question both among the Muslim public and the press. Particularly, The Daily Zamindar (Lahore) continuously wrote editorials on the subject under the caption "sar zamin-i-bay a'in" (and without constitution).32 And All-India Muslim League in its Lahore session in 1924, passed a resolution emphasising reforms in the NWFP. Further the demand of separation of Sind from Bombay also insistently increased during 'twenties. It was also not a new demand of the Muslims. It is said that the 1929, it was a forty years old demand, which was raised at times in the past even by the Hindus themselves. However, all important demands of the Muslims i.e. separation of Sind from Bombay, introduction of reforms; in NWFP and Baluchistan, 1/3rd representation in central legislature, representation in Punjab and Bengal on the basis of population were formulated on March 20,1927 at Delhi which later came to be known, as Delhi proposals, frequently referred to above. And a more comprehensive resolution containing Delhi proposals, along with other demands for the safeguards of the protection and promotion of Muslim culture and civilization, was moved in the annual session of the League, held in Calcutta in 1927, though not passed as the session was adjourned.35 Thus we cannot give all credit to Sir Muhammad Shafi, the mover of -%the resolution, passed by the so-called All-Parties Muslim conference. However, full credit must go to the Quaid who was the principal architect and sponsor of the Lucknow pact in which various demands of the Muslims were incorporated and through which the political existence of Muslims was recogaised by the Hindus for the first time. In reality, Lucknow pact was the result of the untiring efforts of the Quaid, a great ambassador of Hindu Muslim unity. Further he was the leading figure in formulating Delhi proposals and the resolution of the Calcutta session of All-India Muslim League in which the Muslims demands clearly and cogently were recorded and put before the country. So it. is also absolutely wrong to say that the points contained in Shafi's .e.::resolution "were later described by the Hindu press as Mr.Jinnah's fourteen . points" as Chaudhary Khaliquzzaman asserts.37 Nevertheless, the Hindu press and Hindu leaders showed sharp reaction to the Quaid's fourteen points?For example, B.S.Moonje, a well-known leader of the Hindu Mahasabha, in the course of his presidential speech delivered in the Andhra Hindu Sabha conference held on November 7,1929, bitterly criticized the points. He maintained that these points would be quite dangerous to Indian nationalism. They would intensify the communal feelings. Ultimately, they would lead to country's disintegration. Not to speak of the Hindu opposition to the Quaid's fourteen points, even some Muslim circles, particularly, the Congressed Muslims or better say the nationalists, vehemently opposed these points. They staunchly stood for Nehru Report and were bent upon killing the Quaid's formula.39 But the fourteen points remained alive. Majority of the thinking Muslim circles had accepted them. So much so that the Jamiyat-ul-Ulama-i-Hind, which had so far been favoring Congress policies, had accepted them in December, 1930. His mission was to forge unity among Muslim political groups. Before presenting his fourteen points formula in the Muslim League session (March, 1929), "He (the Quaid) tried" as G.W. Chaudhri remarks, "to accommodate the views of various schools of Muslim opinion." "Jinnah made" Chaudhri writes furtrier," a, passionate appeal to the Muslims to unite and organize themselves at 'fiat he termed a turning point in India's constitutional development. The Quaid was to a great extent kuccessful in uniting the Muslim League groups on one side while providing counter-proposals to those of the Nehru Report. Admiring the Quaid's efforts in this regard, Chaudhri aptly: remarks, "The architect of the future state of Pakistan showed his statesmanship and devotion to the cause of India's freedom and Muslims interests by formulating the Muslim demands in the form of the fourteen points which might be regarded as counter-proposals to the Hindu demands, as expressed in the Nehru report." Recapitulating the basic theme, the fourteen points had . both immediate and far-reaching consequences on the contemporary Muslim history. It was a possible compromising formula. On the basis of it, Efforts; were made to unite the All-India Muslim League, though complete unity could not be achieved owing to Shafi's separate tendencies. However, afterwards this group could not stand as a formidable factor in future history of the Muslims. Similarly, the so-called All-India Muslim Conference had lost its importance-for the future, as its resolution - its basis - was weakened by the popularity the Quaid's fourteen points. As a matter of fact, these points attained immense historical importance. Now the Muslim cause could be fought according to more calculated policy and programme underlying the fourteen points '.which were kept in view by the British policy makers while tackling Hindu Muslim question. They were kept in view by the Simon Commission while preparing their report in 1928-30, by the British politicians during the Round Table Conferences 1930-32, in the preparation of White Paper(1933), during the proceedings of Select Committee (1933-34) and in the making and preparation of the Government of India Act 1938. The fact is that no future constitution could be evolved outside the framework provided by these points.` The British constitutional experts thought it difficult to deviate from the `framework set out by these points.° The main result of the aforesaid political and 6nstitutional developments as that most of Muslim demands envisaged Quaid's fourteen points were accepted particularly through the ,Government of India Act 1935. The principal of federal form of government was accepted though not fully according to Quaid's aspirations. Separate electorates were maintained and preserved. Sind was separated from .Bombay .presidency and constituted as a separate• province. Similarly, more reforms 'Were introduced in NWT and Baluchistan, etc. Really the fourteen points formulated by the Quaid had immense value partiellarly during the years -) - the years of political and Constitutional developments. They played a very significant part- in changing `the destiny of the Muslims. The points immensely influenced the Muslim 11%ders intellectual efforts with regard to the future of Muslim India. A fact which mainly gave birth to the idea of Muslim separatism which gradually flourished in India since Sir Syed Ahmad Khan’s days and provided basis for the Pakistan. The Pakistan resolution, was therefore, the outcome of our intelligentsia’s decades continuous anxiety, thinking and working. Again I was the logical result of the political constitutional process. Viewing it from its true historical perspective the Muslims demand for a separate state was logical and genuine. Despite the fact the success of the movement in achieving its goal should be attributed to the gigantic role of Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. The Quaid really played a dynamic role in making the Pakistan movement a success. He was a superb leader. Sterling patriotism, integrity of character, honesty of purposes, courage, perseverance, far-sightedness and statesmanship were the main characteristics of his personality he strongly believed in fairly in politics. A man of determination, no force on earth could complete him to deviate from the right path. He had many difficulties in his way but he did not lose heart. He bravely faced the challenges, gallantly weathered the storms and wisely led his nation to its destination and ultimately succeeded in achieving national goal: Pakistan-an achievement, unprecedented in the whole range of modern history. The Quaid was certainly a unique striking, fascinating and charming personality. His mission was noble, just and righteous. With the passage of time, the world scholars and historians have started to realize the Quaid’s greatness as well as the importance of his mission. Even the Indian writers have no started to admire his role in the Indian politics recently H. M. Seerai, has appreciated Quaid’s constructive contribution in the struggle for freedom in India. But no better comments on Quaid’s achievement can be made than those of S. Wolpert: “Few Individuals” writes Wolpert, “significantly alter the course of history. Fewer still modify the map of the world. Hardly anyone can be credited with creating a nation-state. Mohammad Ali Jinnah did all three. Hailed as great leader (Quaid-i-Azam) of Pakistan and its first governor-General virtually conjured that country into statehood by the force of indomitable will. His place of primary in Pakistan’s history looms like a lofty minaret over the achievement of all his contemporaries in the Muslim League”. “He was” writes Wolpert further, “one of the recent history’s most charismatic leaders”. And explaining league’s attitude towards the government of India Act, 1935, Prof. Malik writes, “The Muslim league considered the act of 1935 as an inadequate arrange not to safeguard Muslims” interest and had, therefore, passed resolution against it. On 18 September, 1939, is working committee, in response to viceroy’s announcement suspending the federal scheme as embodied in the act, demanded that the act should be completely abandoned and that no declaration regarding the question of constitutional advance for India should be made without the consent and approval of the all India Muslim league nor any constitution, be framed and finally adopted by his Majesty’s government and the British parliament without such consent and approval. Prof. Malik brings out the fact by remarking, “The Muslim league had, on several occasions, protested against the high handedness and anti-Muslim policy of the congress ministers and had heaved a sigh of relief at their resignation. “The congress” he remarks further, “under the grab of its demands and struggle for independence, believed in its own self-righteousness and failed to realize the difficulties and fears of the minorities. Therein lay the major reason for Hindu-Muslim estrangement and continuation of governor’s rule in congress majority provinces. (Prof. Malik emphatically ejects Wali Khan’s thesis that British provided patronage and encouragement to All-India Muslim league. “As regards the Muslims or the Muslim league”, he says, “it were not the British who were offering their patronage or even encouragement but it was the Muslim league leadership artciuarly Quaid-i-Aam who was struggling hard and repeatedly meeting the viceroy and other officials to convince them without immediate response of the justness of Muslim’s demands and grievances. As a matter of fact, the league, he continues, “:was engaged in a fierce struggle to safeguard Muslims interests against Hindus, hegemony in the future constitutional frame-work of United India. It believed that in any federal structure, given the communal differences and character of Indian society, the Centre would be dominated by Hindus, which in practical terms meant maltreatment, injustice and bondage of Muslims, and experienced in congress governed provinces over the past two and a half years -). It was not opposed to Indians freedom but demanded Muslims independence along with that of the rest of India. First war of independence, known as “Mutiny” (1857 to 1867) First decade the Muslims had to face very discouraging and degrading conditions. After the people of India lost their first war of independence, known as “Mutiny”, the greatest suffers were the Muslims. The British feared the Muslims, and preferred others in all walks of life on account of the guilty feeling they nurtured that they had usurped power from them. The Muslims had lost everything except their pride and hostility and, therefore, the British felt that it was necessary to crush them. In the field of education Muslims were behind the Hindus as well as other, as at time very few institutions imparting modern education were existing and in these few institutions the percentage of Muslim students was negligible. The British were certain in their assessment that Hindus were better subordinates than Muslims in whatever field they were employed. Living under false pride Muslims failed to adapt themselves to the changed circumstances. During this decade when the British were consolidating their power and organizing the Governmental machinery, the number of Muslims considered useful for jobs, even at the lowest level, was negligible. Muslims during this decade lived in a shadow of fear. This decade was the most gloomy period for the Muslims of the sub-continent. Lack of education and false pride rendered them incapable of improving their lot, and left them a victim of complexes. It was evident that they had lost confidence in themselves. Unity has always been rare commodity in the Muslim community, but during this decade it touched the lowest level. The result of this condition was that the few opportunities that were available were often lost due to petty rivalries and in-fighting. It was not surprising that during this decade Muslims started to give up even their cultural heritage, their mode of living and habits, and were moving away from Islamic principles and ideology. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s Days (1867to 1877) The second decade of this narrative presents a slight narrative presents a slightly improved complexion. The administration had, by this time, taken a firm control; and the Government’s aim now was to bring out the best out of the country in order to make to a profitable proposition for the British Empire. In order to achieve this aim the Government decided to take steps to improve the condition of the people. Fear, prejudice and preference of one community to the other, were gradually decreasing. The most important step taken by the Government was their effort to encourage education. Schools in large numbers and also colleges were started. These steps taken by the government were in the beginning viewed differently by Hindus and Muslims. Muslims were slow in taking advantage mainly because of the suspicions spread by the Mullahs, that the government was trying to spread Christianity through their educational system and, therefore, the cry “Islam in danger” rendered the majority of Muslims incapable of taking advantage of the new opportunities. However, towards the latter half of this decade Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, with his dauntless courage, vision and determination, came forward and gathered a few like-minded Muslims around him to fight the prejudices spread by the Mullahs. He embarked on his mission to spread modern education amongst the Muslims. Sir Syed many others took up the task of spreading modern education amongst the Muslims. In the field of taken an earlier start, and therefore were far ahead of Muslims. The result was obvious. The Muslims could not get as many opportunities in securing government jobs or employment in private companies and firms. Muslims were also not only slow but almost non-existent in the fields of industry and trade. Islam considered trade as the best occupation, but in those days Muslims of the sub-continent considered it an occupation for the menials. They only craved for government jobs, either in administration or army and police, irrespective of the fact that in these fields’ only jobs at the lowest level were available to them. Birth of Indian National Congress (1877 to 1887) The Muslim population was between 20 and 25 per cent of the total population of subcontinent the proportion of awakening amongst Muslim was much lower compared with other communities. This state of wakening also gave rise t certain misguided, harmful and disturbing tendencies. The majority community, under the influence of certain bigots, started a campaign against Urdu which could otherwise have become the lingua Frana of the country. It is not doubt true that most Muslims were educated in Urdu only, but it cannot be refuted that in the development of Urdu were equal partners. As a matter of fact the emergence of Urdu was for the sake of Hindus, as during the reign of Muslim rulers of the pre-British period this language emerged to replace Persian, the Court language, to bring the two communities together. It was Sir Syed again who founded the “Mohammaden Educational Conference” to engender enthusiasm for social reforms, modern education and general economic and intellectual progress amongst Muslims. Until the Muslim league was founded in the next decade the Mohammaden Educational Conference was the only forum for Muslims in India. It was during this decade that the Indian National congress came into existence. The idea to form such a body came from one Mr. Allan Octavian Hume who wrote a letter on March 1, 1983, in which he said that if fifty good and true men could be found to join as founders, an Indian National Congress could be established. The aims and objectives are too well known and need not be repeated here. The Indian National congress was actually, and ceremoniously, established in Bombay in the year 1885, and W.C. Bannerjee was chosen as its first President. The beginning the Congress was never a monopoly of Hindus. Muslims as well as members of other communities were amongst the founder members. No single community could claim that strength it gained during the subsequent decades was due to its efforts. All members worked together for its growth and were together in their sufferings and hardships, which were far too many during the latter decades, particularly after the advent of the 20th century. The galaxy of personalities that provided strength to the National Congress is composed not only of Motilal Nehru, Tilak, Gokhale, C.R. Das, Pandit Pant, Sarojini Naidu, Mahatma Gandhi and others, but also had amongst them Gr. Ansari, Hakeem Ajmal Khan, Maulana Abulkalam Azad, Syed Mahmood, the Ali Brothers, hasrat Mohani, M.A. Jinnah, Sir Pheroze Shah Mehta, Dadabhoy Nawroji and others. The Growth of Indian national Congress (1887 to 1897) The sub-continent of India during this decade went through comprehensive progress. Roads and railways were extended. The postal system had been arganised. Exports of raw materials, particularly agriculture products like cotton, jute, oil seeds and spices, were on therise and finished goods required for daily use as well as luxury goods were being imported. Education had spread all over the country. Minor and medium types of industries had started to come into existence. Employment potential had increased, particularly around big cities, like Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, Kanpur and Ahmedabad. All these developments increased the per capita income, but due to the inherent back wardens along with lack of zeal and laziness, the benefits did not reach Muslims in proportion to their population. It is certainly correct that no one except themselves could be blamed; neither the Government nor the majority community was responsible. Within a short period the Indian national congress had attracted many prominent personalities into its ranks. The number of persons joining the Indian National Congress was increasing day by day, and it must be kept in mind that no community was barred from enrolling as its primary member. It was heartening to note that during this decade the number of Muslims seeking up modern education increased substantially, and in this the institution established by Sir Syed had played a prominent part. It will be observed that so far as Muslims were concerned the benefits of modern education were restricted to the rich or upper middle class families only. This is the reson why the percentage of educated Muslims remained very low; and as a result the economic condition of the majority of Muslims of the sub-continent remained static. Most of them were reluctant to leave their ancestral professions, and thus back wardens persisted away them. A sort of caste system which was prevalent amongst Hindus for centuries developed amongst Muslims as well as prevalent amongst Hindus for centuries developed amongst Muslims as well. The Indian National Congress became a dynamic body devoting its might towards the welfare of the common man, and took up on itself the burden of representing to the government, not only against the wrongs, as and when they came to its notice, but also suggesting ways and means for the improvement of the lot of the people in all walks of life. The lofty ideals withy which the body was formed was being meticulously followed; and that is why the Indian National Congress became a mighty force amongst the people of the sub-continent. Birth of the All Indian Muslim League (1897 to 1907) The increasing strength of the Indian National Congress gave rise to some harmful trends during the two decades of its growth. The Hindu-Muslim unity that was emerging with the growth in the popularity of the Indian National Congress was not palatable to the bigoted fundamentalists of both sides and, as a result, many small parries or groups belonging to both the communities started to take shape. The bigoted fundamentalists resorted to create doubts in the minds of the common man of danger to their religion and traditions, on the Muslim side; and Hindus, on the other hand, were made to believe that the National Congress was trying to woo and please the Muslims, and was thus sacrificing the interests of the Hindu community. On the other hand, Muslims who had not joined the Congress openly propagated that every move and decision of the congress was based upon the majority option, and would always go against the interest of Muslims. A rift was huts created which even though it did not affect the minds of the top leader yet amongst the people at lower levels ill fillings started to spread. It was quite often observed that on minor pretexts communal riots took place. Besides whenever any communal disturbance took place, people used to blame that the government was behind the disturbances with its policy of “Divide and Rule”. Towards the end of the decade it was felt that out of the multinational population of India two communities, Hindus and Muslims were emerging as the main rivals. It was at this time that the partition of Bengal took place, and the Agha Khan made a fervent appeal to the viceroy impressing upon him that mint be given to Hindus to cool down their tempers following the partition of Bengal. The Muslim University Movement The Muslim mind and embittering relations between Government and Muslim India was the former’s attitude towards the Muslims’ demand for grant of charter to raise the Aligarh College to the status of a full-fledged, autonomous University of an all-India character. The college, unlike other educational institutions in India, had been founded as a Result of the united wishes and concerted efforts of a whole community. The College was thus an example of self-help and self-effort. It was the symbol of the Muslim nation’s social and cultural unity and the focus of their hopes and aspirations. Mr. Syed Mahmud, in submitting his scheme before the M.A.O. College fund committee in 1873, had asserted that what they had in mind was the establishment of a university. The idea was stated with greater force in the address presented to Lord Lytton, in words which have become classic: “And looking at the difficulties which have stood in our way, and the success which has alresy been achieved, we do not doubt that we shall continue to recive, even in large measure, both from the English which has furthered our shemem, so that from the seed which we sow today there may spring up a mighty tree whose branches, like those of the Banyan of the soil, shall in their turn strike firm foots and themselves send forth new and vigorous saplings, that this college may expand into a university whose sons shall go forth throughout the length and breadth of the land to preach the gospel of free inquiry, of large-hearted toleration and of pure morality. Syed Ahmad khan was of opinion that Govern-mint universities were no answer to the problems of national education. He expressed revolutionary views on the question of university education in the course of a speech at Jullundur in 1894 as follows: “The University and our College boys could be compared to masters and slaves. They eat whatever crumbs of bread the University throws before them and are content. Friends, our real education would be possible only when it is on our hands and is free form the control of Universities. Without the domination of Universities we shall spread education among our people. Philosophy will be in right hand and natural science in our left hand, and the crown of the Kalima “ There is no god but God and Mohammed Is his Messenger; will be on our lead”. After his death on 27 March, 1898 his friends and followers decided to raise a special fund known as “Sir Syed Memorial Fund” for perpetuating his memory by raising the College to the status of a University. At the session of the All-India Muslim Educational conference another fruitful creation of Syed Ahmad Khan at Lahore in December, 1898 the proposal for establishing a Muslim University was for the first time formally adopted. It was reaffirmed at every successive session of the Conference at Karachi, Rangoon, Delhi, Madras, Amritsar, and Dacca. The demand was also incorporated in the address presented by the Muslim leaders’ deputation to the viceroy at Shimla on 1st October, 1906. The Muslim community was named fully aware of the need and value of the proposed University. Funds were raised under the name of “Sir Syed Memorial Fund” though the zealous efforts of Syed Ahmad Khan’s successor, Nawa Mohsin-ul-Mulk. His sincerity of purpose, in popularizing the university idea and inducing the Muslim public to make generous contributions. After his death in 1907 funds were collected for the same purpose under the name of “Mohisn-ul-Mulk Memorial fund.” Early Phase of Muslim Political Movement The plan for the establishment of a Muslim University had 1910 taken on the complexion and force of a national movement. The session of the all-India Muslim Educational conference at Nagpur in December, 1910 gave the signal for a concerted, nation-wide effort to raise the necessary funds for the projected university. Another important task was the drawing up of a suitable constitution for the proposed University which would be in conformity with the Muslims’ national aspirations. The secretary of state would approve of the establishment of the University at Aligarh, provided, firstly, the committee could show that it had sufficient funds in band for the purpose and, the constitution of the proposed University was wholly acceptable to the Government of India and the secretary of state. The committee published the final draft of the constitution on 9 August, 1911. After its approval by the secretary of state for India the shaft constitution was published as a bill in the Government Gazette. Syed Mohammad Ali was nominated a member of the Imperial Legislative council to assist in the passage of the bill. He had played an important part in bringing about an agreement between representatives of the government and the Muslim University Association and persuading the Trustees of the College to accept the draft proposals than which nothing better could be expected from the Government. The Calcutta University commission too in 1919 had recommended establishment of teaching and residential Universities. The Calcutta University itself did not accept this recommendation but it was accepted and implemented in the United provinces. Such Universities were also established at Dacca, Pattna, Mysore and Hyderabad. At long last the Muslim University Bills was passed and the Act came into force on 1 December, 1920. Thus the efforts which had started after the demise of the Founder reached their culmination, though not exactly in the same way as the pioneers of the movement had visualized. The timing of the enforcement of the University Act, 1 December 1920, proved unpropitious. The emotional step taken by Ali Brothers and a considerable number of students under their guidance proved harmful to the college, to the establishment of the University on sound lines and to the general educational advancement of the Musalmans. The energies of the Muslim youth and Muslim leadership were divided and the unity and solidarity of the Muslims suffered a serious setback. There was a sudden break in the traditions which successive generations of students and teachers had built up at Aligarh. Although many of the students who had gone on strike realized their mistake and rejoined the college when it reopened as University in December, 1920 yet it lost some of its best students who embodied the spirit and traditions of Aligarh. The Muslim University, in spite of the difficulties it had to face, proved of great help to the Muslims in realizing their national aspirations, as is evident from the part player by its alumni in the prosecution and successful conclusion of the Pakistan movement.